By Jean-Pierre Gross
This revisionist research demanding situations these readings of the French Revolution that see it as inherently violent and illiberal, usually when it comes to the fear on my own, and explores the egalitarian regulations pursued within the provinces. The mainstream Jacobin time table held out the promise of "fair stocks" and equivalent possibilities for all in a personal possession industry financial system. additionally it sought to accomplish social justice with out jeopardizing human rights. therefore it tended to enrich, instead of undermine, the liberal, individualist software of the Revolution.
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Additional info for Fair Shares for All: Jacobin Egalitarianism in Practice (Past and Present Publications)
Who's who among the Jacobins 19 intelligent mainstream volunteer was prevailed upon to republicanise the region. 16 It must be stressed that these were no sleepy outbacks but areas of sporadic peasant unrest, some of which had been in the forefront of insurrectionary action during the guerre aux chateaux of the years 1790-2. 17 Indeed, the principal contributory factor to the temperate climate which prevailed here during the Terror was the presence, for relatively long spells or at regular intervals, of a moderate or careful Montagnard, not infrequently operating on home ground or in familiar surroundings: Maure at Auxerre, Paganel at Agen, Saint-Andre at Montauban, Lakanal at Bergerac, Romme at Angouleme, Brival at Limoges, Vernerey at Gueret.
77 His view that 75 76 77 Fl. , Robespierre, pp. -P. Hirsch, Terror and Property', p. 216. Fl. Gauthier, Triomphe et mort du droit naturel en Revolution, 1789-1795-1802 (Paris, 1992), pp. 66-95. , pp. 41-58, 7 0 - 3 . 38 Jacobin mainstream and Robespierrist ascendancy curbs must be placed on possessive individualism suggests that economic power too must be circumscribed. But this is only part of the story.
II, Acteurs, pp. 247-9, 251, 258. B. Baczko, Ending the Terror: The French Revolution After Robespierre (Cambridge, 1994), p. 29. 71 Curiously, this ability to prophesy and instigate moral or political change goes hand in hand with a tendency to change with the times, to react to events, to build a theory 'after the event', to 'follow rather than to lead',72 a form of opportunism which may be attributable not so much to the political manoeuvring of an archstrategist and schemer as to Robespierre's 'singular conception of equality', understood as a virtue to be bred, by his natural inclination to authoritarianism and his readiness to resort to force.